池田大作
Striving to Transform the Destiny of Humankind
Daisaku Ikedahttps://www.worldtribune.org/2024/striving-to-transform-the-destiny-of-humankind/
师徒力量无穷
池田先生年轻时曾经历过战火，他努力通过在世界范围内促进和平与对话来根除全球冲突的根源。
第一部分 | 第二部分 | 第三部分 | 第五部分 | 第六部分
超越文化差异，打破壁垒
一个人的伟大人间革命将有助于改变一个国家的命运，进而改变全人类的命运”[1]——这些话出现在《人间革命》的序言中，表达了该作品及其续集《新人间革命》的主题。它也阐明了池田先生毕生致力于的挑战。
1964年，他在日本冲绳开始写作《人间革命》。第二次世界大战期间，冲绳发生了一场长达数月的惨烈战争。书的开头是这样的：“没有什么比战争更野蛮，没有什么比战争更残酷。”[2]
池田先生本人就是亲身经历过那场战争残酷的年轻人之一。
在战火中成长
池田大作于1928年出生于如今的东京大田??区。他成长的时代，正如他后来所写的那样，“日本正异常地陷入战争的泥潭。”[3]
他9岁时，第二次中日战争爆发。在他即将14岁时，太平洋战争（第二次世界大战）爆发，他的四个哥哥相继被征召入伍。他的家人不得不撤离家园，他们搬进的房子在一次空袭中被烧毁。
战后，他看到母亲得知大哥战死沙场时哭泣。年幼的大作也患有肺结核，死亡的阴影一直笼罩着他。
“我讨厌战争。我讨厌那些煽动人们参战的领导人，”他后来写道。日本投降时，他只有 17 岁。他继续说道：“我问自己，我能做些什么来确保这样的悲剧不再发生。”[4]
1947 年 8 月 14 日，在他第一次参加创价学会讨论会时，他来听户田城圣讲授日莲大圣人的《立正教以求国泰民安》一书。
讲座结束后，老师问户田先生正确的生活方式是什么，真正的爱国者是什么，以及他对天皇和日本帝国制度的看法。老师觉得户田先生对这些问题的回答清晰而简洁。户田先生反对战争并因此入狱，这让他印象特别深刻。
十天后，他皈依了日莲佛教，成为户田先生的弟子。
在《立正教以求国泰民安》中，日莲写道：“若人安，先祈四方太平，何妨？”[5]
先生在信仰之路上的第一步，也是他实现和平梦想的第一步。
对社会的声明
就在30岁之前，先生在日记中列出了他迄今为止每个十年是如何度过的。尽管医生预测他活不过30岁，但他也列出了未来几十年的目标：
到10岁：作为一个卑微的海藻收割工的儿子长大。
到20岁：自我觉醒并与疾病作斗争。
三十岁：研习佛法，努力战胜病魔。
四十岁：精进日莲大圣人的教诲。
五十岁：向社会发出明确声明。
六十岁：完成日本广宣流布运动的基础。[6]
1968年9月8日，在担任创价学会第三任会长的八年后，四十岁的户田先生向社会发出了明确声明，面向世界。在第11届学生部全体大会上，面对1万名学生和国内外媒体，他提出了日中邦交正常化的大胆建议。当天也是户田先生发表废除核武器宣言11周年。
随着冷战的加剧，以及中国文化大革命的影响，中日关系陷入僵局。更重要的是，一位致力于恢复关系的日本政治家被暗杀。
那么，在如此紧张的局势下，为什么先生会冒着生命危险公开发表这样的声明呢？
当时，他认真地想：
我别无选择。我是一个佛教徒。佛教徒的社会使命是为世界和平和所有人的幸福而努力。[7]
这一提议遭到了日本国内外的反对、警告甚至威胁。然而，日本中国文学学者竹内义美称赞这是一项罕见的
光明之光。长期致力于改善两国关系的强势政治家松村健三表示，他觉得，有了这一建议，这一事业“获得了百万盟友”。
中国报纸《光明日报》驻日记者刘德友收到了这份建议的副本，并迅速将报告电报给中国。这份报告传到了负责中国外交政策方方面面的周恩来总理那里。
1972年9月，公明党作为谈判中间人，协助实现外交关系正常化。这是因为该党创始人松村健三的建议在中国受到高度评价，周恩来总理对他充满信任。
在听到松村健三逝世的消息后，中国外交部发言人说：“他是中国人民的一位亲爱的老朋友，我们信任他，尊敬他。 1974年，他首次访华时表示，愿意为中日两国之间的和平架设一座“金桥”。我们希望他倡导的这座金桥能永远屹立。”[8]
1974年5月30日，周恩来先生首次踏上中国土地。他的访问持续了两周，期间，一个小女孩问他为什么来中国。他说：“我是来见你的！”[9]
周恩来先生将目光坚定地放在每个人的幸福上，努力推动世界??走向和平共处的时代。
友谊的接力棒
同年晚些时候，周恩来先生第二次访华的机会来了。1974年12月5日晚，也就是他最后一次访问中国时，周恩来先生会见了周总理。
总理因癌症扩散全身而卧床不起。他的医生和亲近的人反对这次会面，但总理拒绝了。
他慢慢地走向池田先生，握住他的手。
“我非常想见见您，”[10]他说。“池田会长，您强调了两国人民之间建立友好关系的必要性，无论其中有多少困难。我对此感到非常高兴。”[11]
周总理强调，“20世纪的最后25年将是全人类的关键时期。”[12]
为了响应总理希望他继续促进双边友谊的愿望，池田先生投入精力为两国青年创造教育和文化交流的机会。他还担任了六名由日本政府资助在创价大学学习的中国交换生的个人担保人。他们是两国恢复关系以来第一批在日本学习的学生。
与世界级历史学家对话
在提出与中国恢复正常关系的第二年，汤因比先生收到了20世纪著名历史学家阿诺德·J·汤因比的来信。汤因比先生邀请汤因比先生就世界基本问题交换意见。
两人的第一次对话于1972年5月在汤因比先生的英国家中进行。当时，越南战争仍在继续，核战争的威胁越来越大。
汤因比先生长期以来一直对佛教感兴趣，认为佛教秉持的观点可以揭示克服现代文明所面临危机的方法。汤因比先生将汤因比先生视为“活佛教”的领袖。
两人的对话持续了两年，共持续了约40个小时。1975年春，对话被汇编、编辑并出版为日文书籍，书名为《21世纪对话》。 （1976 年，牛津大学出版社出版了英文版，名为《选择生命》）。至今，这本书已被翻译成 31 种语言，被许多人视为“人类的教科书”。
1973 年，在两人会谈的最后一天，英国电视台广泛报道了另一场会谈，即苏联领导人和西德总理之间的会谈。汤因比先生评论说，尽管他与汤因比先生的对话可能不会引起太多关注，但他们正在讨论将造福子孙后代的重要议题。他相信，像汤因比先生这样的对话是建立持久和平的关键。
他还表示希望比他年轻得多的汤因比先生继续与世界各地的人们进行这样的对话，以团结人类。[13]汤因比先生在一张纸上写下了包括美国微生物学家勒内·杜博斯、罗马俱乐部联合创始人奥雷利奥·佩切伊等几位思想巨擘的名字，并重申希望汤因比先生能抽出时间与他们见面。[14]
汤因比先生与这些以及世界各地的许多其他思想巨擘会面，讨论21世纪的前景，并通过自己的言行架起和平的桥梁。
外出会见
1974年9月8日，汤因比先生在5月访华之后首次访问苏联。
冷战将世界分成两大阵营，苏联领导共产主义阵营。许多人除了批评汤因比先生提出的与中国关系正常化的建议外，还强烈反对汤因比先生提出的与中国关系正常化的建议。
反对他访问苏联。
他们问，为什么宗教领袖要访问一个否认宗教的国家？
对此，他回答说：“因为那里生活着人类同胞。我去那里是为了见见人们。”[15]
他会见了莫斯科国立大学校长雷姆·霍赫洛夫和诺贝尔文学奖获得者米哈伊尔·肖洛霍夫等公众人物。他还与莫斯科国立大学的普通市民和学生交谈。他与一位保管学校宿舍钥匙的妇女、一位正在钓鱼的老人和他的孙子交谈。他尽一切努力创造温暖的接触，消除人们心中的不信任。
在苏联的最后一天，老师在克里姆林宫会见了总理阿列克谢·柯西金。在谈话中，总理问道：“你的基本意识形态是什么？”
先生毫不犹豫地回答说：“我相信和平、文化和教育，而这些的基础就是人道主义。”
“我欣赏您的理念。我们也需要在苏联实现这些理想。”[16]
在谈话中，先生直接问总理：“苏联是否考虑进攻中国？”
当时，苏联与中国的关系已经变得像苏联与美国的关系一样紧张。
“不，苏联无意进攻中国。”
“我可以把这个转达给中国领导人吗？”
“请随时告诉中国领导人，苏联不会进攻他们的国家。”[17]
三个月后，柯西金总理第二次访华时，先生向中国领导人转达了柯西金总理的保证。
“周恩来总理非常重视这些信息，”中国南开大学周恩来研究中心主任丛世格峰后来说道。
次年1975年1月，先生会见了美国国务卿亨利·基辛格。在此之前，他已与世界三大强国——中国、苏联和美国——的代表会面，履行了汤因比先生赋予他的任务。他以普通公民的身份，从事旨在实现和平和避免核战争的外交活动。
会见“新思维”领袖
先生的和平活动始于1970年代，在1979年4月24日卸任创价学会会长后，活动范围进一步扩大。自1975年1月26日国际创价学会成立以来，他一直担任该会长。
1982年6月，先生向联合国大会第二次裁军特别会议提交了废除核武器的提案。 1983年1月，为纪念1月26日创价学会日，他提交了一份“和平与裁军新提案”。
从1983年到2022年，他共提出了40项年度和平提案。
1989年11月柏林墙倒塌后，先生的和平建设努力进一步扩大。次年，当日莲正宗僧侣企图解散创价学会的阴谋浮出水面时，先生仍泰然自若，继续在不同文明和宗教之间架起对话的桥梁。
在20世纪80年代和90年代，先生会见了世界各国领导人，包括新统一的德国总统理查德·冯·魏茨泽克、南非总统纳尔逊·曼德拉、古巴总统菲德尔·卡斯特罗、印度总理拉吉夫·甘地、新加坡总理李光耀；以及马来西亚总理马哈蒂尔·本·穆罕默德。
他还与被称为美国民权运动之母的罗莎·帕克斯、小提琴大师耶胡迪·梅纽因、两届诺贝尔化学奖和和平奖得主莱纳斯·鲍林以及世界著名经济学家约翰·肯尼斯·加尔布雷斯成为好友。
先生去世后不久，日本和国际媒体特别报道了他与前苏联总统米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫的友谊。
两人于 1990 年 7 月 27 日在莫斯科克里姆林宫首次见面。戈尔巴乔夫先生实施了改革，旨在重建一个枯竭的苏联社会。1989 年 12 月，他在马耳他举行的美苏峰会上宣布冷战结束。1990 年，他成为苏联第一任总统。
第一次见面，戈尔巴乔夫先生就用幽默打破了僵局：“我来和你辩论。让我们擦出火花，开诚布公地谈论一切，为了人类，为了日苏关系！”
戈尔巴乔夫总统也用幽默回应道：“我听说了你的很多活动，但没想到你这么热情！”[18]
他们的讨论持续了一个多小时，谈到了改革的现状和意义，以及他们对年轻人的期望。
总统说：“我们改革计划中的‘新思维’就像你们哲学树的一个分支。”[19]
戈尔巴乔夫总统还宣布他打算于 2009 年 12 月访问日本。
春天，戈尔巴乔夫先生和苏共中央总书记、国家主席李满长在东京会见了李满长。这成为日本的头条新闻。1991年4月，戈尔巴乔夫如约访问日本，成为首位访问日本的苏联元首。在繁忙的日程中，他抽出时间与李满长先生会面。
后来，即使他辞去苏联总统一职，戈尔巴乔夫和李满长先生及其家人的交流仍然持续。他们总共见了10次。他们的对话汇编成书，名为《20世纪的道德教训》。
在日本创价大学的校园里，除了纪念周恩来和邓颖超夫妇的樱花树外，戈尔巴乔夫先生和他的妻子赖莎还种了一棵樱花树，至今仍矗立在那里，以纪念他们。
“生是快乐，死也是快乐”
除了与世界领导人和思想家对话外，李满长先生还在大学和学术机构发表演讲。他解释说：
在大学及其目标中，人类可以找到一致与和谐。学习超越国家、政治和种族差异。[20]
他在哈佛大学发表过两次演讲，第一次是在1991年9月，演讲题目是“软实力时代”。1993年9月，他在第二次演讲“大乘佛教与21世纪文明”中直面佛教对生死的看法。
当今动乱（包括战争）的根源在于现代文明试图回避死亡问题，而这一尝试付出了沉重的代价。谈到大乘佛教在生死中寻找快乐的哲学，他分享了建立以开放对话和尊重生命为基础的人类文明的愿景。
在他后来在世界各地机构的演讲中，先生提出了改变人类命运的宏伟人道愿景。
永恒的和平之路
1998年1月，在他70岁生日之际，先生在一篇文章中写道：
如果我要总结自己从60岁到现在所取得的成就，以及对未来十年的设想，那么内容如下：
到70岁：建立新人文主义的原则。
到80岁：完成世界广布的基础。
从那时起，按照玄律和佛教阐述的生命不朽、不老的本质，我决心永远在广布中发挥领导作用。[21]
今天，我们面临着新旧挑战，包括核战争的威胁越来越大、种族冲突、气候危机等等。先生通过他的言行向我们展示了解决这些问题的方法和原则。并与青年一起，努力为子孙后代创造更加美好的未来。
2024 年 1 月 2 日，世界论坛报，第 15-17 页
参考文献
《人间革命》，第 viii 页。??
同上，第 3 页。??
《我的回忆录》（1980 年），第 20 页。??
1999 年 1 月 29 日，世界论坛报，第 5 页。??
《论为国泰民安确立正确教义》，日莲大圣人文集，第 1 卷，第 24 页。??
2023 年 12 月 8 日，世界论坛报，第 2 页。??
《新人间革命》，第 13 卷，修订版，第32。??
https://www.mfa.gov.cn/eng/xwfw_665399/s2510_665401/2511_665403/202311/t20231120_11183670.html <2023 年 12 月 12 日访问>。??
2018 年 3 月 9 日，世界论坛报，未来期刊插页，第 3 页。??
NHR-20，287。??
同上，第 288 页。??
同上，第 290 页。??
参见 NHR-16，165–171。??
参见同上，第172。??
NHR-20，139。??
同上，第 226-27 页。??
同上，第 229-30 页。??
NHR-30，646。??
同上，第 647 页。??
译自日语。摘自 2006 年 9 月 24 日《圣教新闻》的一篇文章。??
2023 年 12 月 8 日，《世界论坛报》，第 3 页。??
Striving to Transform the Destiny of Humankind
Daisaku Ikedahttps://www.worldtribune.org/2024/striving-to-transform-the-destiny-of-humankind/
The boundless power of mentor and disciple
Enduring the flames of war in his youth, Ikeda Sensei strove to uproot the causes of global conflict by promoting peace and dialogue throughout the world.
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 5 | Part 6
He began writing The Human Revolution in 1964 in Okinawa, Japan, where a horrific monthslong battle occured during World War II. It opens with the lines “Nothing is more barbarous than war. Nothing is more cruel.”[2]
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 5 | Part 6
Transcending Cultural Differences and Bringing Down Walls
A great human revolution in just a single individual will help achieve a change in the destiny of a nation and, further, will enable a change in the destiny of all humankind”[1]—These words, appearing in the preface to The Human Revolution, express the theme of that work and its sequel, The New Human Revolution. It also articulates the challenge to which Ikeda Sensei dedicated his entire life.He began writing The Human Revolution in 1964 in Okinawa, Japan, where a horrific monthslong battle occured during World War II. It opens with the lines “Nothing is more barbarous than war. Nothing is more cruel.”[2]
Sensei himself had been among the young people who experienced the cruelty of that war.
The Second China-Japan War broke out when he was just 9. As he was about to turn 14, the Pacific War (World War II) erupted, and his four older brothers were drafted into the military one after the other. His family had to evacuate their home, and the house they moved into burned down in an air raid.
After the war, he watched his mother weep upon learning of his eldest brother’s death on the battlefield. The young Daisaku also suffered from tuberculosis, constantly haunted by the shadow of death.
“I hated war. And I hated the leaders who had incited people to war,” he later wrote. He was 17 at the time of Japan’s surrender. He continued, “I asked myself what I could do to make sure that such a tragedy never happened again.”[4]
At his first Soka Gakkai discussion meeting, on Aug. 14, 1947, he arrived to hear Josei Toda lecturing on Nichiren Daishonin’s treatise “On Establishing the Correct Teaching for the Peace of the Land.”
After the lecture, Sensei asked Mr. Toda about the correct way to live, what defines a true patriot and what he thought about the emperor and the Japanese imperial system. Sensei felt that Mr. Toda answered these questions clearly and succinctly. That Mr. Toda had opposed the war and been sent to prison as a result particularly impressed him.
Ten days later, he took faith in Nichiren Buddhism and became a disciple of Mr. Toda.
In “On Establishing the Correct Teaching for the Peace of the Land,” Nichiren writes, “If you care anything for your personal security, you must first pray for the peace and tranquillity of the four corners of the land, should you not?”[5]
Sensei’s first steps on the path of faith also marked his first steps toward securing his cherished dream of peace.
To the age of 10: Growing up the son of a humble seaweed harvester.
To the age of 20: Self-awakening and struggling against illness.
To the age of 30: Studying and practicing Buddhism, and making earnest efforts to defeat the devil of illness.
To the age of 40: Perfecting my study and practice of Nichiren Daishonin’s teachings.
To the age of 50: Making a clear statement in society.
To the age of 60: Completing the foundation for the kosen-rufu movement in Japan.[6]
On Sept. 8, 1968, eight years after becoming the third Soka Gakkai president and at the age of 40, Sensei made a clear statement to society directed to the world. Before 10,000 students and Japanese and overseas media at the 11th student division general meeting, he detailed a bold proposal for the normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and China. That day also marked the 11th anniversary of Mr. Toda’s Declaration for the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons.
As the Cold War intensified, and the repercussions of China’s Cultural Revolution were being felt, relations between China and Japan reached a deadlock. What’s more, a Japanese politician who had worked to restore relations had been assassinated.
Why, then, amid such tension, would Sensei risk his life to make such a public declaration?
At the time, he thought in earnest:
I have no choice. I am a Buddhist. The social mission of a Buddhist practitioner is to work for world peace and the happiness of all people.[7]
The proposal was met with opposition, warnings and even threats from inside and outside Japan. Yet, Yoshimi Takeuchi, a Japanese scholar of Chinese literature, praised it as a ray of light. And the powerful politician Kenzo Matsumura, who had long worked for improved relations between the two countries, stated his feelings that, with the proposal, the cause had “gained a million allies.”
Liu Deyou, a Japan-based journalist for the Chinese newspaper Guangming Daily, received a copy of the proposal and quickly telegrammed a report of it to China. It reached Prime Minister Zhou Enlai, who was responsible for every aspect of China’s foreign policy.
In September 1972, the Komeito political party acted as an intermediary in negotiations to assist the process of normalizing diplomatic relations. This came about because the proposal from Sensei, the party’s founder, was evaluated highly in China and Premier Zhou Enlai placed trust in him.
Upon hearing of Sensei’s passing, a spokesperson for China’s Foreign Ministry said: “He was a dear old friend of the Chinese people and has our trust and respect. When he first visited China in 1974, he said he was willing to build a ‘golden bridge’ to peace between China and Japan. We hope the golden bridge he advocated will stand forever.”[8]
Sensei set foot on Chinese soil for the first time on May 30, 1974. His visit lasted two weeks, during which a young girl asked him why he had come to China. “I have come to meet you!” he said.[9]
Setting his sights firmly on the happiness of each person, Sensei strove to move the world toward an era of peace and coexistence.
The premier had been bedridden with cancer that had spread throughout his body. His doctors and those close to him opposed the meeting, but the premier dismissed them.
He walked slowly to Sensei and clasped his hand.
“I very much wanted to meet you,”[10] he said. “President [Ikeda], you have emphasized the need to foster amicable relations between the people of our two nations, regardless of the difficulties involved. I am extremely pleased by this.”[11]
Premier Zhou stressed that “the last 25 years of the 20th century will be a crucial period for all of humanity.”[12]
Responding to the premier’s wish that he continue to promote bilateral friendship, Sensei poured his energy into creating opportunities for educational and cultural exchange among youth from the two countries. He also served as personal guarantor for six Chinese exchange students, sponsored by the Japanese government, who studied at Soka University. They were the first such students to study in Japan since relations between the two countries had been restored.
Their first conversation took place in May 1972 at Mr. Toynbee’s home in England. At the time, the Vietnam War dragged on, and the threat of nuclear war loomed ever larger.
Mr. Toynbee had long been interested in Buddhism, understanding it to uphold perspectives that could reveal ways to overcome the crises facing modern civilization. He regarded Sensei as a leader of a “living Buddhism.”
Their dialogue spanned about 40 hours over two years. It was compiled, edited and published as a book in Japanese in spring 1975, titled Dialogue for the 21st Century. (In 1976, Oxford University Press published the English edition, titled Choose Life.) To date, it has been published in 31 languages and is considered by many a “textbook for humanity.”
On the last day of their talks in 1973, British television widely covered another meeting, one between the leader of the Soviet Union and the Chancellor of West Germany. Mr. Toynbee commented that, though his dialogue with Sensei might not attract that much attention, they were discussing vital topics that would benefit future generations. He believed dialogues like theirs were the key to building lasting peace.
He also expressed his hopes that Sensei, who was much younger than him, would continue engaging people throughout the world in such dialogues to unite humanity.[13] On a piece of paper, Mr. Toynbee wrote down names including American microbiologist René Dubos, co-founder of the Club of Rome Aurelio Peccei and several other leading thinkers, reiterating his hope that Sensei find time to meet them.[14]
Sensei met with these and many other leading thinkers around the world, discussing prospects for the 21st century and building bridges of peace through his words and actions.
The Cold War divided the world into two camps, with the Soviet Union leading the communist bloc. Many people, in addition to criticizing Sensei’s proposal to normalize relations with China, strongly opposed his visit to the Soviet Union.
Why would a religious leader visit a country that denies religion? they asked.
To that, he answered: “Because there are fellow human beings living there. I’m going there to meet people.”[15]
He met public figures such as Rem Khokhlov, rector of Moscow State University, and Mikhail Sholokhov, a Nobel laureate in literature. He also spoke with ordinary townspeople and students at Moscow State University. He spoke with a woman who kept the keys to one of the school’s dormitories and an elderly man and his grandson who were fishing. He did all he could to create warm encounters, melting away any distrust in people’s hearts.
On his last day in the Soviet Union, Sensei met with Premier Aleksey Kosygin at the Kremlin. During their talk, the premier asked, “What is your basic ideology?”
Sensei replied unhesitatingly, “I believe in peace, culture and education—the underlying basis of which is humanism.”
“I appreciate your philosophy. We need to realize those ideals here in the Soviet Union as well.”[16]
As the conversation proceeded, Sensei directly asked the premier, “Is the Soviet Union considering attacking China?”
At that time, the Soviet Union’s relationship with China had become as tense as its relations with the United States.
“No, the Soviet Union has no intention of attacking China.”
“May I convey that to the leaders of China?”
“Please feel free to tell China’s leaders that the Soviet Union will not attack their country.”[17]
Sensei conveyed Premier Kosygin’s assurance to the Chinese leadership three months later during his second visit to China.
“Premier Zhou attached great importance to this information,” later observed Cong Shigefeng, director of the Zhou Enlai Research Center at Nankai University in China.
The following year, in January 1975, Sensei met with U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. With that, he had met with representatives of the world’s three major powers—China, the Soviet Union and the United States—fulfilling the task entrusted to him by Mr. Toynbee. As a private citizen, he engaged in diplomacy aimed at peace and the avoidance of nuclear war.
In June 1982, Sensei presented a proposal to the Second Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on Disarmament calling for the abolition of nuclear weapons. In January 1983, commemorating Jan. 26, SGI Day, he submitted a “New Proposal for Peace and Disarmament.”
From 1983 to 2022, he issued a total of 40 annual peace proposals.
After the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, Sensei’s peace-building efforts broadened further still. When the Nichiren Shoshu priesthood’s plots to dismantle the Soka Gakkai surfaced the following year, Sensei forged ahead unfazed, continuing to build bridges of dialogue between civilizations and religions.
In the 1980s and ’90s, Sensei met with world leaders, including Richard von Weizsäcker, president of a newly reunified Germany; Nelson Mandela, president of South Africa; Fidel Castro, president of Cuba; Rajiv Gandhi, prime minister of India; Lee Kuan Yew, prime minister of Singapore; and Mahathir bin Mohamad, prime minister of Malaysia.
He also befriended Rosa Parks, known as the mother of the U.S. Civil Rights Movement; Yehudi Menuhin, a master violinist; Linus Pauling, two-time Nobel laureate in chemistry and peace; and John Kenneth Galbraith, the world-renowned economist.
Shortly after Sensei’s passing, Japanese and international media highlighted in particular his friendship with Mikhail Gorbachev, the former president of the Soviet Union.
The two first met on July 27, 1990, at the Kremlin in Moscow. Mr. Gorbachev had implemented perestroika (meaning “reform”), a program to rebuild a depleted Soviet society. In December 1989, he declared the end of the Cold War at the U.S.-Soviet summit in Malta. And in 1990, he became the first president of the Soviet Union.
At their first meeting, Sensei broke the ice with a touch of humor: “I have come to have an argument with you. Let’s make sparks fly and talk about everything honestly and openly, for the sake of humanity and for the sake of Japan-Soviet relations!”
President Gorbachev responded with some humor of his own, replying, “I have heard a great deal about your activities, but I didn’t realize you were so passionate!”[18]
Their discussion lasted for more than an hour and touched on the current state and significance of perestroika and their expectations for young people.
The president said, “The ‘new thinking’ that is part of our program of perestroika is like a branch of the tree of your philosophy.”[19]
President Gorbachev also announced his intention to visit Japan the following spring, which became a top news story in Japan. As promised, in April 1991, Mr. Gorbachev became the first Soviet head of state to visit Japan, where he made time amid his packed schedule to meet with Sensei.
Later, even after he resigned as president of the Soviet Union, the exchanges between Gorbachev and Sensei and their families continued. They met a total of 10 times. A compilation of their dialogues was published as the book Moral Lessons of the Twentieth Century.
On Soka University’s campus in Japan, alongside cherry trees honoring Zhou Enlai and his wife, Deng Yingchao, Mr. Gorbachev and his wife, Raisa, planted a cherry tree, which continues to stand in their honor.
In the university and its aims, humankind can find agreement and harmony. Learning transcends national, political and ethnic differences.[20]
He spoke twice at Harvard University, first in September 1991, with his lecture “The Age of Soft Power.” Then in September 1993, he squarely discussed Buddhism’s view of life and death in his second lecture, “Mahayana Buddhism and Twenty-First-Century Civilization.”
At the root of today’s turmoil, including war, is modern civilization’s attempt to avoid the issue of death, an attempt that has exacted a heavy price. Touching on Mahayana Buddhism’s philosophy that finds joy in both life and death, he shared his vision of building a human civilization grounded in open dialogue and respect for life.
In his further lectures at institutions around the world, Sensei presented a grand humane vision for the transformation of humanity’s destiny.
If I were to set down what I had accomplished from the age of 60
to the present, along with what I envisage for the decade ahead, it would read as follows:
To the age of 70: Establishing the principles of a new humanism.
To the age of 80: Completing the foundation for worldwide kosen-rufu.
From that point on, in accord with the Mystic Law and the undying, unaging nature of life expounded in Buddhism, I am determined to take the lead in kosen-rufu throughout eternity.[21]
Today, we face challenges old and new, including the increasing threat of nuclear war, ethnic conflicts, the climate crisis and much more. Sensei has shown us the methods and principles for solving these problems through his words and actions. And together, with the youth in the lead, we strive to create a brighter future for successive generations.
January 2, 2024, World Tribune, pp. 15–17
Growing Up Amid the Flames of War
Daisaku Ikeda was born in 1928, in what is today Ota Ward, Tokyo. He grew up at a time when, as he later wrote, “Japan was quite abnormally involved in the drift toward war.”[3]The Second China-Japan War broke out when he was just 9. As he was about to turn 14, the Pacific War (World War II) erupted, and his four older brothers were drafted into the military one after the other. His family had to evacuate their home, and the house they moved into burned down in an air raid.
After the war, he watched his mother weep upon learning of his eldest brother’s death on the battlefield. The young Daisaku also suffered from tuberculosis, constantly haunted by the shadow of death.
“I hated war. And I hated the leaders who had incited people to war,” he later wrote. He was 17 at the time of Japan’s surrender. He continued, “I asked myself what I could do to make sure that such a tragedy never happened again.”[4]
At his first Soka Gakkai discussion meeting, on Aug. 14, 1947, he arrived to hear Josei Toda lecturing on Nichiren Daishonin’s treatise “On Establishing the Correct Teaching for the Peace of the Land.”
After the lecture, Sensei asked Mr. Toda about the correct way to live, what defines a true patriot and what he thought about the emperor and the Japanese imperial system. Sensei felt that Mr. Toda answered these questions clearly and succinctly. That Mr. Toda had opposed the war and been sent to prison as a result particularly impressed him.
Ten days later, he took faith in Nichiren Buddhism and became a disciple of Mr. Toda.
In “On Establishing the Correct Teaching for the Peace of the Land,” Nichiren writes, “If you care anything for your personal security, you must first pray for the peace and tranquillity of the four corners of the land, should you not?”[5]
Sensei’s first steps on the path of faith also marked his first steps toward securing his cherished dream of peace.
A Statement to Society
Just before he turned 30, Sensei listed in his diary how he had spent each decade of his life thus far. Despite the fact that his doctor had predicted he would not live to 30, he also included his goals for the decades to come:To the age of 10: Growing up the son of a humble seaweed harvester.
To the age of 20: Self-awakening and struggling against illness.
To the age of 30: Studying and practicing Buddhism, and making earnest efforts to defeat the devil of illness.
To the age of 40: Perfecting my study and practice of Nichiren Daishonin’s teachings.
To the age of 50: Making a clear statement in society.
To the age of 60: Completing the foundation for the kosen-rufu movement in Japan.[6]
On Sept. 8, 1968, eight years after becoming the third Soka Gakkai president and at the age of 40, Sensei made a clear statement to society directed to the world. Before 10,000 students and Japanese and overseas media at the 11th student division general meeting, he detailed a bold proposal for the normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and China. That day also marked the 11th anniversary of Mr. Toda’s Declaration for the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons.
As the Cold War intensified, and the repercussions of China’s Cultural Revolution were being felt, relations between China and Japan reached a deadlock. What’s more, a Japanese politician who had worked to restore relations had been assassinated.
Why, then, amid such tension, would Sensei risk his life to make such a public declaration?
At the time, he thought in earnest:
I have no choice. I am a Buddhist. The social mission of a Buddhist practitioner is to work for world peace and the happiness of all people.[7]
The proposal was met with opposition, warnings and even threats from inside and outside Japan. Yet, Yoshimi Takeuchi, a Japanese scholar of Chinese literature, praised it as a ray of light. And the powerful politician Kenzo Matsumura, who had long worked for improved relations between the two countries, stated his feelings that, with the proposal, the cause had “gained a million allies.”
Liu Deyou, a Japan-based journalist for the Chinese newspaper Guangming Daily, received a copy of the proposal and quickly telegrammed a report of it to China. It reached Prime Minister Zhou Enlai, who was responsible for every aspect of China’s foreign policy.
In September 1972, the Komeito political party acted as an intermediary in negotiations to assist the process of normalizing diplomatic relations. This came about because the proposal from Sensei, the party’s founder, was evaluated highly in China and Premier Zhou Enlai placed trust in him.
Upon hearing of Sensei’s passing, a spokesperson for China’s Foreign Ministry said: “He was a dear old friend of the Chinese people and has our trust and respect. When he first visited China in 1974, he said he was willing to build a ‘golden bridge’ to peace between China and Japan. We hope the golden bridge he advocated will stand forever.”[8]
Sensei set foot on Chinese soil for the first time on May 30, 1974. His visit lasted two weeks, during which a young girl asked him why he had come to China. “I have come to meet you!” he said.[9]
Setting his sights firmly on the happiness of each person, Sensei strove to move the world toward an era of peace and coexistence.
The Baton of Friendship
The opportunity for a second visit to China came later that year. On the night of Dec. 5, 1974, the last of his visit, Sensei met Premier Zhou.The premier had been bedridden with cancer that had spread throughout his body. His doctors and those close to him opposed the meeting, but the premier dismissed them.
He walked slowly to Sensei and clasped his hand.
“I very much wanted to meet you,”[10] he said. “President [Ikeda], you have emphasized the need to foster amicable relations between the people of our two nations, regardless of the difficulties involved. I am extremely pleased by this.”[11]
Premier Zhou stressed that “the last 25 years of the 20th century will be a crucial period for all of humanity.”[12]
Responding to the premier’s wish that he continue to promote bilateral friendship, Sensei poured his energy into creating opportunities for educational and cultural exchange among youth from the two countries. He also served as personal guarantor for six Chinese exchange students, sponsored by the Japanese government, who studied at Soka University. They were the first such students to study in Japan since relations between the two countries had been restored.
Dialogue With a World-Class Historian
The year after proposing normalized relations with China, Sensei received a letter from Arnold J. Toynbee, one of the leading historians of the 20th century. Mr. Toynbee invited him to exchange views on fundamental world issues.Their first conversation took place in May 1972 at Mr. Toynbee’s home in England. At the time, the Vietnam War dragged on, and the threat of nuclear war loomed ever larger.
Mr. Toynbee had long been interested in Buddhism, understanding it to uphold perspectives that could reveal ways to overcome the crises facing modern civilization. He regarded Sensei as a leader of a “living Buddhism.”
Their dialogue spanned about 40 hours over two years. It was compiled, edited and published as a book in Japanese in spring 1975, titled Dialogue for the 21st Century. (In 1976, Oxford University Press published the English edition, titled Choose Life.) To date, it has been published in 31 languages and is considered by many a “textbook for humanity.”
On the last day of their talks in 1973, British television widely covered another meeting, one between the leader of the Soviet Union and the Chancellor of West Germany. Mr. Toynbee commented that, though his dialogue with Sensei might not attract that much attention, they were discussing vital topics that would benefit future generations. He believed dialogues like theirs were the key to building lasting peace.
He also expressed his hopes that Sensei, who was much younger than him, would continue engaging people throughout the world in such dialogues to unite humanity.[13] On a piece of paper, Mr. Toynbee wrote down names including American microbiologist René Dubos, co-founder of the Club of Rome Aurelio Peccei and several other leading thinkers, reiterating his hope that Sensei find time to meet them.[14]
Sensei met with these and many other leading thinkers around the world, discussing prospects for the 21st century and building bridges of peace through his words and actions.
Going Out to Meet People
On Sept. 8, 1974, following his May visit to China, Sensei made his first trip to the Soviet Union.The Cold War divided the world into two camps, with the Soviet Union leading the communist bloc. Many people, in addition to criticizing Sensei’s proposal to normalize relations with China, strongly opposed his visit to the Soviet Union.
Why would a religious leader visit a country that denies religion? they asked.
To that, he answered: “Because there are fellow human beings living there. I’m going there to meet people.”[15]
He met public figures such as Rem Khokhlov, rector of Moscow State University, and Mikhail Sholokhov, a Nobel laureate in literature. He also spoke with ordinary townspeople and students at Moscow State University. He spoke with a woman who kept the keys to one of the school’s dormitories and an elderly man and his grandson who were fishing. He did all he could to create warm encounters, melting away any distrust in people’s hearts.
On his last day in the Soviet Union, Sensei met with Premier Aleksey Kosygin at the Kremlin. During their talk, the premier asked, “What is your basic ideology?”
Sensei replied unhesitatingly, “I believe in peace, culture and education—the underlying basis of which is humanism.”
“I appreciate your philosophy. We need to realize those ideals here in the Soviet Union as well.”[16]
As the conversation proceeded, Sensei directly asked the premier, “Is the Soviet Union considering attacking China?”
At that time, the Soviet Union’s relationship with China had become as tense as its relations with the United States.
“No, the Soviet Union has no intention of attacking China.”
“May I convey that to the leaders of China?”
“Please feel free to tell China’s leaders that the Soviet Union will not attack their country.”[17]
Sensei conveyed Premier Kosygin’s assurance to the Chinese leadership three months later during his second visit to China.
“Premier Zhou attached great importance to this information,” later observed Cong Shigefeng, director of the Zhou Enlai Research Center at Nankai University in China.
The following year, in January 1975, Sensei met with U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. With that, he had met with representatives of the world’s three major powers—China, the Soviet Union and the United States—fulfilling the task entrusted to him by Mr. Toynbee. As a private citizen, he engaged in diplomacy aimed at peace and the avoidance of nuclear war.
Meeting With a Leader of a ‘New Thinking’
Sensei’s activities for peace, which began in earnest in the 1970s, continued to broaden after he stepped down as Soka Gakkai president on April 24, 1979. He remained Soka Gakkai International president since the organization’s formation on Jan. 26, 1975.In June 1982, Sensei presented a proposal to the Second Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on Disarmament calling for the abolition of nuclear weapons. In January 1983, commemorating Jan. 26, SGI Day, he submitted a “New Proposal for Peace and Disarmament.”
From 1983 to 2022, he issued a total of 40 annual peace proposals.
After the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, Sensei’s peace-building efforts broadened further still. When the Nichiren Shoshu priesthood’s plots to dismantle the Soka Gakkai surfaced the following year, Sensei forged ahead unfazed, continuing to build bridges of dialogue between civilizations and religions.
In the 1980s and ’90s, Sensei met with world leaders, including Richard von Weizsäcker, president of a newly reunified Germany; Nelson Mandela, president of South Africa; Fidel Castro, president of Cuba; Rajiv Gandhi, prime minister of India; Lee Kuan Yew, prime minister of Singapore; and Mahathir bin Mohamad, prime minister of Malaysia.
He also befriended Rosa Parks, known as the mother of the U.S. Civil Rights Movement; Yehudi Menuhin, a master violinist; Linus Pauling, two-time Nobel laureate in chemistry and peace; and John Kenneth Galbraith, the world-renowned economist.
Shortly after Sensei’s passing, Japanese and international media highlighted in particular his friendship with Mikhail Gorbachev, the former president of the Soviet Union.
The two first met on July 27, 1990, at the Kremlin in Moscow. Mr. Gorbachev had implemented perestroika (meaning “reform”), a program to rebuild a depleted Soviet society. In December 1989, he declared the end of the Cold War at the U.S.-Soviet summit in Malta. And in 1990, he became the first president of the Soviet Union.
At their first meeting, Sensei broke the ice with a touch of humor: “I have come to have an argument with you. Let’s make sparks fly and talk about everything honestly and openly, for the sake of humanity and for the sake of Japan-Soviet relations!”
President Gorbachev responded with some humor of his own, replying, “I have heard a great deal about your activities, but I didn’t realize you were so passionate!”[18]
Their discussion lasted for more than an hour and touched on the current state and significance of perestroika and their expectations for young people.
The president said, “The ‘new thinking’ that is part of our program of perestroika is like a branch of the tree of your philosophy.”[19]
President Gorbachev also announced his intention to visit Japan the following spring, which became a top news story in Japan. As promised, in April 1991, Mr. Gorbachev became the first Soviet head of state to visit Japan, where he made time amid his packed schedule to meet with Sensei.
Later, even after he resigned as president of the Soviet Union, the exchanges between Gorbachev and Sensei and their families continued. They met a total of 10 times. A compilation of their dialogues was published as the book Moral Lessons of the Twentieth Century.
On Soka University’s campus in Japan, alongside cherry trees honoring Zhou Enlai and his wife, Deng Yingchao, Mr. Gorbachev and his wife, Raisa, planted a cherry tree, which continues to stand in their honor.
‘Life Is a Joy; Death Is Also a Joy’
In addition to his dialogues with world leaders and thinkers, Sensei delivered lectures at universities and academic institutions. He explains:In the university and its aims, humankind can find agreement and harmony. Learning transcends national, political and ethnic differences.[20]
He spoke twice at Harvard University, first in September 1991, with his lecture “The Age of Soft Power.” Then in September 1993, he squarely discussed Buddhism’s view of life and death in his second lecture, “Mahayana Buddhism and Twenty-First-Century Civilization.”
At the root of today’s turmoil, including war, is modern civilization’s attempt to avoid the issue of death, an attempt that has exacted a heavy price. Touching on Mahayana Buddhism’s philosophy that finds joy in both life and death, he shared his vision of building a human civilization grounded in open dialogue and respect for life.
In his further lectures at institutions around the world, Sensei presented a grand humane vision for the transformation of humanity’s destiny.
The Eternal Path of Peace
In January 1998, as he turned 70, Sensei wrote in an essay:If I were to set down what I had accomplished from the age of 60
to the present, along with what I envisage for the decade ahead, it would read as follows:
To the age of 70: Establishing the principles of a new humanism.
To the age of 80: Completing the foundation for worldwide kosen-rufu.
From that point on, in accord with the Mystic Law and the undying, unaging nature of life expounded in Buddhism, I am determined to take the lead in kosen-rufu throughout eternity.[21]
Today, we face challenges old and new, including the increasing threat of nuclear war, ethnic conflicts, the climate crisis and much more. Sensei has shown us the methods and principles for solving these problems through his words and actions. And together, with the youth in the lead, we strive to create a brighter future for successive generations.
January 2, 2024, World Tribune, pp. 15–17
References
- The Human Revolution, p. viii. ??
- Ibid., p. 3. ??
- My Recollections (1980), p. 20. ??
- Jan. 29, 1999, World Tribune, p. 5. ??
- “On Establishing the Correct Teaching for the Peace of the Land,” The Writings of Nichiren Daishonin, vol. 1, p. 24. ??
- Dec. 8, 2023, World Tribune, p. 2. ??
- The New Human Revolution, vol. 13, revised edition, p. 32. ??
- https://www.mfa.gov.cn/eng/xwfw_665399/s2510_665401/2511_665403/202311/t20231120_11183670.html <accessed Dec. 12, 2023>. ??
- March 9, 2018, World Tribune, Future Journal insert, p. 3. ??
- NHR-20, 287. ??
- Ibid., p. 288. ??
- Ibid., p. 290. ??
- See NHR-16, 165–171. ??
- See Ibid., p. 172. ??
- NHR-20, 139. ??
- Ibid., pp. 226–27. ??
- Ibid., pp. 229–30. ??
- NHR-30, 646. ??
- Ibid., p. 647. ??
- Translated from Japanese. From an essay in the Sept. 24, 2006, Seikyo Shimbun. ??
- Dec. 8, 2023, World Tribune, p. 3. ??
