尽管在埃塞俄比亚事关重大，但中国对和平努力持观望态度
https://www.facebook.com/usinstituteofpeace
华盛顿能否成功迫使北京加入多边和平努力？
2022 年 1 月 19 日 / 作者：Joseph Sany，博士； 托马斯·P·希伊
自 2020 年 11 月以来，埃塞俄比亚一直遭受致命的内部冲突，估计造成 5 万人丧生，超过 200 万人流离失所。 美国、非洲联盟和该地区其他国家试图确保联邦政府与提格雷人民解放阵线（TPLF）之间停火，但进展甚微。 相比之下，尽管埃塞俄比亚——非洲第二人口大国——是其非洲政策的核心，但中国仍然主要处于建设和平努力的边缘。
危机的规模和速度现在需要国际合作，而不是竞争。 提供解决方案的政治和财政负担不能由任何一个国家单独承担。 作为一个优先事项，华盛顿应探讨北京如何加入协调一致的国际努力，支持非洲在人道主义危机恶化并进一步破坏该地区稳定之前推动持久解决埃塞俄比亚危机的外交努力。 相反，中国可能会对美国外交努力的失败以及华盛顿与亚的斯亚贝巴之间日益紧张的局势感到满意，但这种姿态威胁到中国在埃塞俄比亚的大量投资，并有可能疏远那些对本国发生的大国竞争感到不满的非洲人。
埃塞俄比亚的深刻危机
2018 年上任后，总理阿比·艾哈迈德放开了自 1991 年以来由提格雷人阵主导的埃塞俄比亚独裁政府。他的行动包括取消政党禁令和释放政治犯。 阿比还因为结束埃塞俄比亚与邻国厄立特里亚之间旷日持久的冲突所做的努力而获得 2019 年诺贝尔和平奖。 尽管取得了这些积极进展，阿比政府仍因以牺牲提格雷和其他地区为代价而集中权力而受到批评。 长期存在的地区和种族分歧——阿比的改革使这种分歧得到了更大程度的表达——因 2020 年全国选举因新冠肺炎 (COVID-19) 疫情而推迟而进一步加剧。
近年来，紧张局势不断加剧，阿比政府认为提格雷人民解放阵线正在推动更大的地区自治——如果不是独立的话——而提格雷人指责阿比政府在政治上将该省边缘化，该省不再享受权力战利品。 提格雷人不顾阿比推迟选举的决定，于 2020 年 9 月举行了地区民意调查。两个月后，埃塞俄比亚联邦军队和提格雷国防军 (TDF) 之间爆发了大规模战斗，提格雷武装分子声称是先发制人，袭击了一个联邦军事基地。
如今，政府和蒂格雷人阵固守并回避对话，这造成了可怕的人道主义后果。 TPLF已与包括奥罗莫解放军在内的其他反政府组织结盟，尽管最近的军事挫折导致其呼吁停火。 联邦政府的封锁导致食品和药品无法到达提格雷，危及生命。 联合国称，可怕的侵犯人权行为司空见惯，其中一些“可能构成战争罪和反人类罪”。 联合国安理会呼吁停火，非洲联盟则邀请尼日利亚前总统奥卢塞贡·奥巴桑乔斡旋谈判。 但迄今为止，外交进展甚微。
中国的深厚联系
埃塞俄比亚是中国“一带一路”倡议的中心枢纽，该倡议是一项不断发展的计划，旨在通过在发展中国家融资和建设基础设施来扩大中国的影响力。 目前，中国在埃塞俄比亚有约400个建筑和制造项目，价值超过40亿美元。 埃塞俄比亚的大部分航空、公路和铁路基础设施都是由中国资助和建设的。
中国强有力的经济参与使北京成为埃塞俄比亚最大的贸易伙伴。 在 COVID-19 之前，埃塞俄比亚经济十多年来一直以 10% 的惊人速度增长，证实了中国作为发展伙伴的崇高地位。 然而，埃塞俄比亚估计137亿美元的中国债务的可持续性仍令人担忧，该债务在非洲仅次于安哥拉。 这种债务负担进一步增加了中国在埃塞俄比亚的股份。
两国之间的政治联系也很牢固。 2003年，埃塞俄比亚是第一个主办中非合作论坛会议的非洲国家。2012年，中国出资2亿美元在亚的斯亚贝巴修建了非盟总部。 与此同时，中国媒体扩大了在埃塞俄比亚的影响力。
中国和埃塞俄比亚还以2005年签署的关于联合训练、技术交流和维和行动的防务协议为基础。 埃塞俄比亚军官曾在中国接受培训。 虽然大部分重型武器是俄罗斯或乌克兰制造，但埃塞俄比亚军方最近采购了中国火炮和运输车辆。 此外，据信政府军正在使用中国提供的无人机。 中国的经济、政治和安全努力似乎得到了回报，阿比形容中国是“埃塞俄比亚最可靠的朋友和最珍惜的伙伴”。
中国的困境：支持政府，呼吁不干涉
按照其长期以来的“不干涉”主张，北京一直抵制国际社会对埃塞俄比亚的积极参与。 其驻联合国大使于 2021 年 11 月表示，“解决方案只能从内部找到”，并重申“支持非洲解决非洲问题的方案”，包括区域国家和组织的方案。 张军大使告诫联合国安理会“为非盟开展此类努力提供必要的时间和空间”，同时指出人道主义救援工作必须尊重埃塞俄比亚的“主权和领导权”，中国自冲突爆发以来一直强调这一立场。 中国特使还表示反对对埃塞俄比亚实施经济制裁。
毫无疑问，中国正在密切关注不断蔓延的不安全局势，估计有3万名中国公民在埃塞俄比亚。 由于冲突，其在埃塞俄比亚的主要投资组合现已暂停，中国“没有安全与稳定就不可能有发展”的信念正在得到验证。 但如何在不干涉复杂政治和种族背景的情况下为安全与稳定做出贡献，正成为中国面临的一个具有挑战性的困境。
尽管暴力不断升级，联合国安理会在解决这场危机方面进展缓慢，很大程度上是因为中国传统的主权关切。 埃塞俄比亚对北京的立场表示欢迎，其外交部最近赞扬中国认识到“外部势力介入埃塞俄比亚政府在提格雷的行动是没有必要的，因为埃塞俄比亚有能力解决自己的问题。”
然而，美国的外交努力激怒了埃塞俄比亚。 美国非洲之角特使最近表示，拜登政府正在“不懈努力，将这场危机保留在国际议程上”，包括在联合国。 为了回应阿比政府在提格雷“严重侵犯国际公认的人权”，美国最近撤回了埃塞俄比亚希望维持的贸易优惠，并授权针对同谋的埃塞俄比亚政府官员实施制裁。 阿比在美国国际开发署署长萨曼莎·鲍尔最近访问埃塞俄比亚以解决提格雷的人道主义危机期间拒绝会见她，这表明随着这场危机的加剧，美国与埃塞俄比亚关系的紧张局势正在加剧。
战略竞争还是外交？
美国有可能在埃塞俄比亚战略上失败。 直到最近的紧张局势发生之前，尽管中国在该国的影响力越来越大，但美国和埃塞俄比亚长期以来一直是密切的经济和安全伙伴。 尽管华盛顿并未主导解决这场危机的外交努力，但它一直发挥着重要作用。 随着埃塞俄比亚和美国之间的关系继续紧张，埃塞俄比亚可能会向中国寻求更大的支持，预计北京会觉得自己在与美国的战略竞争中得分。
USIP 2020 年关于中国在红海地区参与情况的报告发现，“尽管不稳定的局势助长了美国战略失败的说法，从而在某些方面使中国受益，但北京对一个没有失败国家的稳定地区更感兴趣。” 然而，报告还得出结论，“除非出现中国经济或安全利益受到严重威胁的情况……北京不太可能利用其影响力来阻止地区竞争加剧地区冲突。” 相反，北京将实行“超然”政策。
但可以说，中国在埃塞俄比亚的利益比在非洲任何其他国家都更大。 埃塞俄比亚走的道路肯定会损害中国国内外的重大经济利益。 一些人表示，中国将继续竭尽全力支持阿比政府，包括在面临侵犯人权指控时捍卫亚的斯亚贝巴的主权。 北京是否会受到压力，超越其相对冷漠的态度，发挥积极的外交作用？
和平需要所有力量和参与者
美国外交陷入困境是有原因的。 如果中国转向主动外交，与蒂格雷人阵接触，甚至利用政治资本向阿比政府施压，将面临非常艰巨的任务。 不断增加的暴力行为，包括针对平民的暴力行为，正在加剧埃塞俄比亚深刻的种族和地区分歧。 美国对中国在非洲影响力日益增强的担忧理所当然地触及了治理、人权以及经济和战略竞争等关键问题。 尽管中国在非洲的影响力在过去二十年中显着扩大，但也有其局限性。 尽管中国投入大量资金，但仅凭一己之力无法阻止严重威胁埃塞俄比亚的不团结和暴力势力。
在埃塞俄比亚缔造和平需要谈判和实施新的政治安排，以实现可行的区域权力平衡。 这主要由埃塞俄比亚人决定——但外部各方可能会激励和平所需的妥协。 现在有机会改变方向并巩固国际方针。 阿比总理表示愿意支持对话，并释放了一些关键（但不是全部）政治犯。 提格雷政府已宣布从提格雷撤军，并呼吁进行谈判。 国际社会——每个人，而不仅仅是西方——肯定承认埃塞俄比亚的经济可持续性是地区稳定和埃塞俄比亚作为一个主权实体生存的关键。 此时此刻，包括中国在内的外部利益相关者的共同努力至关重要。
拜登政府在实施外交努力时应认识到中国经济的脆弱性以及埃塞俄比亚稳定的利害关系。 美国应该致力于向中国施加非洲联盟压力，鼓励目前在军事上占据上风的阿比政府进行有意义的谈判并和平解决冲突。 中国可能会在幕后做出努力，以免破坏北京的“不干涉”姿态。
有可能，甚至很可能，北京对非洲主导的埃塞俄比亚建设性外交不感兴趣，宁愿看到外交努力失败，也许会从美国经济脱离中分一杯羹。 但如果北京不与埃塞俄比亚进行建设性接触，考虑到埃塞俄比亚在那里的重大利益，他们将在哪里为非洲和平而努力呢？ 每一天的冲突都会导致许多埃塞俄比亚人悲惨地丧生——北京会成为非洲解决方案的一部分，还是会允许非洲危机继续下去？
国家 埃塞俄比亚
关于作者
约瑟夫·萨尼博士, 非洲中心副总裁
托马斯·P·希伊, 杰出研究员
相关出版物
最新@USIP：美国参与非洲之角的下一步是什么？
2023 年 4 月 25 日星期二
作者：迈克·哈默大使
非洲之角对美国来说是一个具有战略重要性的地区，埃塞俄比亚目前的和平进程就是美国参与该地区可以发挥积极作用的一个例子。 美国非洲之角特使迈克·哈默大使讨论了他与美国独立党红海研究小组的会面、埃塞俄比亚北部停止敌对行动协议如何取得成果，以及美国通过人道主义援助、对侵犯人权行为的问责以及使该地区恢复稳定的许多其他途径来确保埃塞俄比亚持久和平的最新努力。
USIP 的最新动态：埃塞俄比亚的妇女包容和过渡司法
2023 年 4 月 24 日星期一
作者：菲尔桑·阿卜迪
在埃塞俄比亚长达两年的灾难性内战中，妇女遭受了双方安全部队无数次与冲突有关的性暴力行为。 既然和平进程已经开始，确保真正的过渡正义将需要妇女在整个谈判过程中参与和领导。 非洲之角和平研究所创始人菲尔桑·阿卜迪 (Filsan Abdi) 讨论了她为抗议暴力而决定辞去埃塞俄比亚妇女、儿童和青年部部长职务的决定、为什么妇女的参与对于非洲之角建设和平与民主的长期成功如此重要，以及为什么当前的和平进程尽管存在缺陷，但仍给她带来了希望。
埃塞俄比亚和平：布林肯访问后应该做什么？
2023 年 3 月 17 日星期五
作者：苏珊·斯蒂甘特
国务卿安东尼·布林肯在埃塞俄比亚举行的会谈以及他本周宣布的新的美国援助，推动了建设该国和平和东非更大稳定的重要步骤。 然而，这些任务仍然艰巨，需要埃塞俄比亚冲突各方做出艰难的妥协。 美国和国际政策制定者面临着如何实现关键目标的艰难计算：全面恢复贸易和经济援助，帮助埃塞俄比亚满足人民的需求，同时敦促各方推进正义与和解，解决战争期间犯下的暴行和造成的损害。
埃塞俄比亚内战正在激烈进行。 如何才能走上和平的轨道？
2022 年 10 月 18 日
作者：约翰尼·卡森大使； 亚历克斯·朗多斯大使
8 月，埃塞俄比亚北部毁灭性冲突再度爆发，有效结束了埃塞俄比亚联邦政府与提格雷部队 2022 年 3 月达成的人道主义休战协议，许多人希望该休战协议能为停火与和平谈判铺平道路。 本周，非洲联盟主席呼吁立即停火，美国国务卿安东尼·布林肯也呼吁各方停止敌对行动并参加非洲联盟组织的会谈。 埃塞俄比亚接下来发生的事情将对其人民、具有重要战略意义的红海舞台以及美国在该地区的利益产生重大影响。 为了使埃塞俄比亚走上和平之路，迫切需要美国高层的参与。
Despite High Stakes in Ethiopia, China Sits on the Sidelines of Peace Efforts
https://www.facebook.com/usinstituteofpeace
Can Washington successfully pressure Beijing to join multilateral peace efforts?
January 19, 2022 / BY: Joseph Sany, Ph.D.; Thomas P. Sheehy
Since November of 2020, Ethiopia has been suffering from a deadly internal conflict that has claimed an estimated 50,000 lives and displaced over two million. The United States, the African Union and others in the region have attempted to secure a cease-fire between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) but have made little headway. In contrast, China has remained mainly on the sidelines of peacebuilding efforts even though Ethiopia — the second most populous country in Africa — is a centerpiece of its Africa policy.
The scale and pace of the crisis now requires international cooperation, not competition. The political and financial burden of delivering a solution cannot be borne by any one country alone. Washington should, as a priority, explore how Beijing might join a coordinated international effort to back an African diplomatic push for a sustained settlement of the Ethiopian crisis before its humanitarian crisis worsens and further destabilizes the region. China may instead take satisfaction in the perceived failure of U.S. diplomatic efforts and the growing tension between Washington and Addis Ababa — but such a posture threatens China’s considerable investment in Ethiopia and risks alienating Africans who resent great power rivalries playing out in their countries.
Ethiopia's Profound Crisis
Upon taking office in 2018, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed liberalized the authoritarian Ethiopian government that the TPLF had dominated since 1991. His actions included lifting a ban on political parties and freeing political prisoners. Abiy was also awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for his efforts to end the protracted conflict between Ethiopia and neighboring Eritrea. Despite these positive developments, the Abiy government was met with criticism for centralizing power at the expense of Tigray and other regions. Long-standing regional and ethnic divisions — that Abiy’s reforms allowed greater expression for — were intensified by a postponement of the 2020 national elections amid COVID-19.
Tensions had been building in recent years, with the Abiy government seeing the TPLF as pushing for greater regional autonomy — if not independence — and the Tigrayans charging the Abiy government with politically marginalizing the province, which no longer enjoyed the spoils of power. The Tigrayans defied Abiy’s election delay and held regional polls in September 2020. Two months later, large-scale fighting erupted between the Ethiopian federal military and the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) when Tigrayan fighters struck a federal military base in an act they claimed was preemptive.
Today, the government and TPLF are dug in and shunning dialogue — with dire humanitarian consequences. The TPLF has allied with other anti-government groups, including the Oromo Liberation Army, though recent military setbacks have led it to call for a cease-fire. A federal government blockade has prevented food and medicine from reaching Tigray, jeopardizing lives. Horrific human rights abuses are commonplace, some of which “may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity,” according to the United Nations. The U.N. Security Council has called for a cease-fire, while the African Union has enlisted former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo to broker talks. Yet so far, little diplomatic progress has been made.
China's Deep Ties
Ethiopia is a central hub for China’s Belt and Road Initiative, an evolving program to expand Chinese influence by financing and building infrastructure throughout the developing world. Currently, there are about 400 Chinese construction and manufacturing projects in Ethiopia, valued at over $4 billion. Much of Ethiopia’s air, road and rail infrastructure is financed and built by the Chinese.
This strong Chinese economic engagement has resulted in Beijing becoming Ethiopia’s top trading partner. Before COVID-19, the Ethiopian economy had been impressively growing at 10 percent for over a decade, affirming China’s high standing as a development partner. However, concerns exist about the sustainability of Ethiopia’s estimated $13.7 billion of Chinese debt, second only to Angola’s in Africa. This debt liability further heightens China’s stake in Ethiopia.
Political ties between the two countries are strong as well. Ethiopia was the first African country to host a Forum on China-Africa Cooperation meeting, held in 2003. In 2012, China funded and built the $200 million African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa. Meanwhile, Chinese media have expanded their presence in Ethiopia.
China and Ethiopia have also built upon a 2005 defense agreement on joint training, technology exchange and peacekeeping operations. Ethiopian officers have trained in China. While most of its heavy weapons are Russian or Ukrainian made, the Ethiopian military has recently procured Chinese artillery and transport vehicles. Moreover, government forces are believed to be using Chinese-supplied drones. Chinese economic, political and security efforts appear to have paid off, with Abiy describing China as “the most reliable friend and the most cherished partner of Ethiopia.”
China's Dilemma: Backing the Government, Calling for Non-Interference
In keeping with its long-standing claim of “non-interference,” Beijing has resisted aggressive international engagement in Ethiopia. Its ambassador to the United Nations said in November 2021 that “solutions can only be found from within,” reiterating “support for African solutions to solve African problems,” including by regional countries and organizations. Ambassador Zhang Jun cautioned the U.N. Security Council “to provide necessary time and space to the African Union to carry out such efforts,” while noting that humanitarian relief efforts must respect Ethiopia’s “sovereignty and leadership,” a position China has stressed since the conflict began. The Chinese emissary also spoke out against imposing economic sanctions against Ethiopia.
China undoubtedly is keeping close watch on the spreading insecurity, with an estimated 30,000 Chinese nationals in Ethiopia. With its major Ethiopian investment portfolio now on pause, partly because of the conflict, China’s belief that “without security and stability, there can be no development” is being validated. But how to contribute to security and stability without interference in a complex political and ethnic context is becoming a challenging dilemma for China.
Despite the escalating violence, the U.N. Security Council has been slow in addressing this crisis, largely because of China’s traditional sovereignty concerns. Ethiopia has welcomed Beijing’s position, with its foreign ministry recently commending China for recognizing that “external power involvement in the Ethiopian government operation in Tigray is unnecessary since Ethiopia is capable of solving its own problems.”
U.S. diplomatic efforts, however, have irritated Ethiopia. The U.S. special envoy for the Horn of Africa recently said the Biden administration is “work[ing] tirelessly to keep this crisis on the international agenda,” including at the United Nations. In response to the Abiy government’s “gross violations of internationally recognized human rights” in Tigray, the United States recently withdrew trade benefits that Ethiopia desired to maintain and U.S. sanctions targeting complicit Ethiopian government officials have been authorized. Abiy refused to meet with USAID Administrator Samantha Power during her recent visit to Ethiopia to address the humanitarian crisis in Tigray, a sign that strains in the U.S.- Ethiopia relationship are growing as this crisis intensifies.
Strategic Rivalry or Diplomacy?
There is the potential for the United States to strategically fail in Ethiopia. Until the recent strains, and despite China’s growing imprint on the country, the United States and Ethiopia have long been close economic and security partners. And while Washington hasn’t led diplomatic efforts to resolve this crisis, it has been a significant player. As relations between Ethiopia and the United States continue to fray, with Ethiopia likely turning to China for greater support, Beijing can be expected to feel that it is scoring points in its strategic rivalry with the United States.
A 2020 USIP report on China’s engagement in the Red Sea region found that, “Although instability has benefitted China in some ways by feeding a narrative of U.S. strategic failure, Beijing has a greater interest in a stable region free of failed states.” However, it also concluded that “short of situations in which Chinese economic or security interests are severely threatened … Beijing is unlikely to use its influence to prevent regional rivalries from exacerbating conflicts in the arena.” Instead, Beijing would practice a policy of “detachment.”
But China arguably has more at stake in Ethiopia than in any other country in Africa. Ethiopia is on a path that would certainly damage substantial Chinese economic interests both within the country and beyond its borders. Some have suggested that China will continue making every effort to support the Abiy government, including by defending Addis Ababa’s sovereignty in the face of human rights abuse charges. Could Beijing be pressured to go beyond its relative detachment to play a positive diplomatic role?
All Powers and Players Are Needed for Peace
U.S. diplomacy is struggling for a reason. Were China to pivot to active diplomacy by engaging with the TPLF, or even use political capital to pressure the Abiy government, it would find a very challenging task ahead. Growing violence, including against civilians, is worsening Ethiopia’s deep ethnic and regional divisions. U.S. concerns over growing Chinese influence in Africa rightly touch upon key issues of governance, human rights and economic and strategic competition. But while Chinese influence in Africa has expanded significantly over the last two decades, it has its limits. Despite its considerable investments, China acting alone is powerless to stop the forces of disunity and violence that gravely threaten Ethiopia.
Forging peace in Ethiopia will require the negotiation and implementation of new political arrangements that strike a workable regional power balance. This is mainly for Ethiopians to decide — but outside parties could incentivize the compromises needed for peace. There is now an opportunity to shift course and consolidate an international approach. Prime Minister Abiy has indicated a willingness to support dialogue and has released some key — but not all — political prisoners. The Tigrayan government has announced the withdrawal of its forces back to Tigray and has called for negotiations. The international community — everyone, not just the West — surely acknowledges that Ethiopia’s economic sustainability is key to regional stability and the survival of Ethiopia as a sovereign entity. A concerted effort by external stakeholders, including China, is crucial at this time.
The Biden administration should recognize China’s economic vulnerability and stake in stability in Ethiopia as it implements its diplomatic efforts. The United States should aim to forge African Union pressure on China to encourage the Abiy government, now with the military upper hand, to pursue meaningful negotiations and a peaceful resolution to the conflict. Chinese efforts could come behind the scenes so as not to spoil Beijing’s “non-interference” posture.
It is possible, even likely, that Beijing is uninterested in constructive, African-led diplomacy in Ethiopia and would rather position itself to see diplomatic efforts fail, maybe picking up some pieces from U.S. economic disengagement. But if Beijing won’t constructively engage in Ethiopia, given its high stakes there, where would they work for peace in Africa? Every day of conflict sees many Ethiopian lives tragically lost — will Beijing be part of an African solution or allow an African crisis to continue?
The Latest @ USIP: What's Next for U.S. Engagement in the Horn of Africa?
Tuesday, April 25, 2023
By: Ambassador Mike Hammer
The Horn of Africa represents an area of strategic importance for the United States, and the current peace process in Ethiopia is an example of the positive role that U.S. engagement can have in the region. Ambassador Mike Hammer, the U.S. special envoy for the Horn of Africa, discusses his meetings with USIP’s Red Sea Study Group, how the cessation of hostilities agreement in northern Ethiopia came to fruition, and the latest U.S. efforts to ensure a lasting peace in Ethiopia through humanitarian assistance, accountability for human rights violations and a host of other avenues for bringing stability back to the region.
Type: Blog
The Latest @ USIP: Women's Inclusion and Transitional Justice in Ethiopia
Monday, April 24, 2023
By: Filsan Abdi
During Ethiopia’s disastrous two-year civil conflict, women were subjected to countless acts of conflict-related sexual violence by security forces on both sides. Now that a peace process has begun, securing true transitional justice will require women’s participation and leadership throughout the negotiations. Filsan Abdi, founder director of the Horn Peace Institute, discusses her decision to resign from her prior position as Ethiopia’s minister of women, children and youth in protest of the violence, why women’s participation is so vital to the long-term success of peacebuilding and democracy in the Horn of Africa, and why the current peace process gives her hope despite its shortcomings.
Peace for Ethiopia: What Should Follow Blinken's Visit?
Friday, March 17, 2023
By: Susan Stigant
Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s talks in Ethiopia and his announcement of new U.S. aid this week advance vital steps for building peace in the country and greater stability in East Africa. Yet those tasks remain arduous and will require difficult compromises on all sides in Ethiopia’s conflicts. U.S. and international policymakers face a tough calculation over how to mesh critical goals: restoring full trade and economic assistance to help Ethiopia meet its people’s needs while also pressing all sides to advance justice and reconciliation to address the atrocities committed and damage caused during the war.
Ethiopia's civil war is raging. How can it get on track toward peace?
Tuesday, October 18, 2022
By: Ambassador Johnnie Carson; Ambassador Alex Rondos
In August, the devastating conflict in northern Ethiopia resumed, effectively ending the March 2022 humanitarian truce between the Ethiopian federal government and Tigrayan forces, which many hoped would pave the way for a negotiated cease-fire and peace talks. This week, the African Union’s chairperson called for an immediate cease-fire and U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken also called on the parties to cease hostilities and participate in talks organized by the African Union. What comes next in Ethiopia will have major implications for its people, the strategically vital Red Sea arena and for U.S. interests in the region. Stepped up, senior-level U.S. engagement is direly needed to get Ethiopia on a path toward peace.
