卫报专访:那群人在台湾 心向祖国统一

《卫报》专访:那群人在台湾 心向「祖国」的不同声音

AppleDaily

https://gua.media/topic/84238/%E5%8D%AB%E6%8A%A5-%E4%B8%93

 

英国《卫报》深入了解台湾统一派意见。(photo:AppleDaily)

英国《卫报》深入了解台湾统一派意见。(photo:AppleDaily)

 

台湾是言论自由的国家,民众可以有不同想法,畅所欲言,当然也可以拥有和大部分民意不同的看法。英国《卫报》访问台湾一群统一派,探究他们想要和中国统一背后的原因,一起来听听他们的想法。

本次受访的5位民众年约70多岁,均为男性,他们的父亲都是中国军人,在台湾扶养他们长大。他们都自称为统一派,也属于那12%希望和中国统一的少数族群。报导指出,统一派的族群年纪较大,多半是国民党支持者,清一色都是男性。也有少部分年轻的支持者,他们坚信台湾最终会战败,与其损失惨重,不如求合。

陈老先生受访表示,与中国统一,成为中国一省后,人民的日子会过得更好。台湾可以接收到中国经济成长,与中国政权发展的红利,「大部分人都想要好生活,和平与快乐。那些想要独立的,都是在瞎扯,他们自欺欺人。」

陈老先生说台湾政经稳定在1980年代民主化就消失了,步上其他民主国家老路,像是美国贫富两极化,强森决议脱欧,都是西方民主失灵的案例。

5位受访支持者表示,他们欢迎习近平来接收台湾,生活肯定会更好,所以台湾政权应该要接受统一。有人说,他欢迎统一,担心中国攻打台湾。希望统一不要发生在习近平当政时。有人则称,希望统一,但不要是共产党主政的环境下。第5人说,就是特别讨厌民进党。

报导认为,对这5个人来说,用倾向统一来归纳他们的意向可能不那么精准,他们其实是反对独立派。

根据中共发表白皮书,习近平将在「任内」把台湾正式纳入国土,不会留给下一代处理。对这5人来说,中国不可能让台湾问题摆在那边维持现状,更不可能放弃统一台湾,「不可能啦,这是中国的任务,他们干嘛要改变」。(国际中心/综合外电报导)

The ObserverTaiwan

Beachgoers this month in Xiamen, China, just across the waters from Taiwan's Kinmen islands, a potential flashpoint in the conflict with Beijing

 

Beachgoers this month in Xiamen, China, just across the waters from Taiwan's Kinmen islands, a potential flashpoint in the conflict with Beijing. Photograph: Héctor Retamal/AFP/Getty Images
 

Surveys reveal that up to 12% of the country supports unification with China, including five of its citizens in a Taipei restaurant

 

All are retired men in their 70s – the sons of Chinese nationalist soldiers – and were born or grew up in Taiwan during its brutal decades of martial law.

They are the demographic considered most likely to support the “unification” of Taiwan with China. And they do – mostly. But the issue is complicated: Taiwan functions domestically as an entirely independent country, with its own democratically elected government, currency, military and vibrant civil society.

However, the Chinese Communist party (CCP) believes it is a province of China that must be “reunified” with the mainland – peacefully by preference, but by force if necessary.

Despite threats and intimidation by Beijing and its military, Taiwan’s resistance to unification only grows stronger. More and more people are also identifying themselves as exclusively Taiwanese, not exclusively Chinese or both. More are showing support for independence.

 

Retired businessman Harry Chen believes Taiwan is part of China and would be better off if it agreed to be a Chinese province

Retired businessman Harry Chen believes Taiwan is part of China and would be better off if it agreed to be a Chinese province. Photograph: Helen Davidson/The Observer

But this month a poll in Taiwan found almost 12% of respondents still support unification. Other surveys have shown that figure to be about 5%-10%. The number has declined over the years but a stubborn segment saying yes to “one China” suggests a sizeable group of people in Taiwan are not being pushed towards independence like so many of their compatriots. Some analysts also say this group could be enough to vote hardline pro-China candidates – some of whom also have connections to organised crime - into local government.

Given the military drills and the threats to Taiwan, and the deteriorating freedoms and rights inside China, it is a fair question to ask why anyone in Taiwan would want to go back to life under authoritarian rule, decades after they left it behind.

“People’s understanding of unification has changed quite a lot over the decades,” said Jeremy Huai-Che Huang, a Taipei-based analyst.

Nowadays, people in Taiwan tend to view the prospect of unification through the prism of Hong Kong. There is little trust for President Xi Jinping’s promises – reiterated in a recent white paper – that they would retain anything close to the freedom and autonomy they have now.

Taiwanese politics is famously combative and starkly divided, operating in an almost equally partisan local media environment. The ruling Democratic Progressive party is accused by China of being secessionist and by critics of exacerbating tensions by courting global support.

The nationalist Kuomintang (KMT), the main opposition party, has an ageing base and is struggling to regain popularity while staying true to its roots. It has not been helped by a faction that Dafydd Fell, director of the Centre of Taiwan Studies at Soas University of London, said is “taking quite a strong pro-unification line”.

They are also being outflanked by fringe pro-unification parties, including some linked to the Bamboo Union alleged crime syndicate.

These fringe groups, often seen protesting or harassing pro-Taiwan delegates and events, have “disproportionate” airtime considering their almost non-existent vote, but they know how to mobilise, and some are mysteriously well-funded, says Fell.

Pro-unification people are generally thought to be concentrated among older generations, are probably KMT voters and are typically men. Huang said there are still some young proponents, including a Chinese nationalist minority, but they are often just “defeatist” and believe Taiwan would lose a conflict and should cut its losses now.

Fell outlines other influences on unification supporters, including rising nationalism and CCP propaganda and disinformation. Some supporters are driven by cynicism about divisive Taiwanese party politics and are nostalgic for the strong leadership of the CCP or martial law.There are those who have benefited economically from closer ties with China, and who “are just trying to stay out of politics … and find that kind of PRC nationalism quite annoying”, while some have spent decades in China, the US and Taiwan, and have decided they support and trust the CCP.

Chen is at the more hardline end. He said life for everyone would be better if Taiwan just accepted it was a Chinese province and its democratic government peacefully accepted the benefits of China’s economic strength and global power. “What normal people want in life is good living, peace and happiness,” he said. “People who want independence, that’s bullshit – they’re lying to themselves.”

He spoke of a stability in Taiwan that has disappeared since the 1980s democratisation. He cited the decline of the US, the growing wealth divide and Boris Johnson generally as evidence that western democracy does not work.

Many other factors and variations are also at the Taipei restaurant table. All five men identify as Chinese and believe Taiwan is part of China, citing history, ethnicity, culture and language. Two men, including Chen, are ardent supporters of Xi and the CCP. They welcome a takeover and believe life will be better for all, so Taiwan’s government should just accept it. Another said he would support unification under the CCP but not while Xi is leader, and is very worried about a Chinese invasion. Another wants unification but not under the CCP, while the fifth doesn’t think much of any option but hates the DPP most of all.

Perhaps for this group of friends, the term “pro-unification” is not as accurate as “anti-independence”.

Xi has pledged to annex Taiwan, and the white paper said this could not be left to future generations. Taiwan’s resistance is growing, as is international support for its plight and what annexation might mean for the region. The easiest option is to maintain the status quo, but for everyone at the Taipei dinner table, the idea that Beijing could ever just decide to back off and let Taiwan be is unfathomable. “Impossible,” Chen said. “This is the mission of the Chinese. Why would they change?”
 

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