让政府效率部发挥作用
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/world-news/want-to-join-the-doge-squad-elon-musk-seeks-reformers-with-high-iq-willing-to-work-80-hr/week-for-govt-overhaul/articleshow/115328128.cms?from=mdr?
James Broughel 撰稿人
福布斯撰稿人表达的观点是他们自己的。James Broughel 是一位专注于监管经济学的经济学家。
2024 年 11 月 15 日
Elon Musk 和 Vivek Ramaswamy 将管理一个新的政府效率部。
在 Elon Musk 和 Vivek Ramaswamy 的领导下成立新的政府效率部 (DOGE) 的消息引起了广泛关注。虽然一些批评人士质疑双重领导的合理性，但考虑到马斯克的众多其他承诺，这种结构实际上具有实际意义。然而，要使这项前所未有的政府改革实验取得成功，必须解决几个关键挑战。
首先，DOGE 在联邦政府之外的特殊地位既带来了机遇，也带来了风险。与一些更传统的政府监督机构不同，例如密西西比州的职业许可审查委员会——该委员会在州行政部门内运作，具有法定权力来强制进行监管变革——DOGE 将缺乏强制机构实施其建议的正式权力。因此，它的影响力将在很大程度上取决于马斯克和拉马斯瓦米利用其政治资本并保持当选总统特朗普对其倡议的积极支持的能力。
该部门的有效性将取决于建立超越党派分歧的信誉。由于其任期将于 2026 年 7 月结束，怀疑论者可能会等待其任期结束。为了防止这种情况发生，DOGE 必须树立严肃的两党改革努力的声誉，而不仅仅是一个右翼项目。首先要从招聘开始：该部门应该积极招募来自两党的员工。
DOGE 还应该谨慎选择战斗。它不应该解决像福利改革这样政治性问题（这注定了辛普森-鲍尔斯赤字削减委员会等先前的努力会以失败告终），而应该专注于解决普遍认可的低效率问题。一个有希望的领域是减少行政文书工作负担，据估计，这每年要花费美国人 1870 亿美元和 120 亿小时的合规时间。
这种对文书工作的关注与哈佛学者卡斯·桑斯坦 (Cass Sunstein) 所说的“污泥”相一致。在某些情况下，污泥包括阻止公民获得可能使他们受益的政府计划的要求。共和党人可能认为扫除这些繁文缛节是在扩大政府，但在狭义领域这样做对于赢得反对党的支持至关重要。
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DOGE 还必须谨慎地进行劳动力改革。DOGE 不应通过大规模解雇来激怒联邦雇员，而应通过重新考虑远程工作政策和实施选择性招聘冻结来追求自然减员。政府通过有争议的任命对“深层政府”采取的对抗性态度可能会满足短期的政治本能，但最终会破坏 DOGE 的使命。特朗普在赢得普选和选举团选举后，有机会与联邦劳动力建立建设性的关系——这是实施改革的重要盟友。
DOGE 还应避免重复现有的监督职能。政府问责局 (GAO) 已经对政府效率低下进行了出色的分析。DOGE 不应与 GAO 竞争，而应利用该办公室的研究成果，同时专注于实施。该部门的独特价值主张将来自于通过高调的领导力和政治势头推动变革，而不仅仅是制作更多报告。
DOGE 应该找出引起不同政治派别共鸣的政府失败的明显例子。成功需要保持对这些无党派、技术上合理的改革的关注。堕胎政策等社会问题应坚决不予考虑。
通过外部效率部门进行政府改革的实验在美国联邦层面是史无前例的。它的成功将在很大程度上取决于其领导层的个人效率以及他们致力于通过合理的、两党合作的方式而不是发动意识形态战争来追求改革的承诺。虽然挑战很大，但 DOGE 确实有机会推动政府运作的有意义的改进——如果它能够保持其信誉并专注于可实现的改革。
政府已经为政府现代化创造了一个独特的工具。有了正确的策略，DOGE 可以开创一种新的官僚精简模式。它能否成为推动积极变革的变革力量，还是成为另一个失败的委员会，将取决于其领导层如何巧妙地应对这些早期挑战。
Making The Department Of Government Efficiency Work
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/world-news/want-to-join-the-doge-squad-elon-musk-seeks-reformers-with-high-iq-willing-to-work-80-hr/week-for-govt-overhaul/articleshow/115328128.cms?from=mdr?
James Broughel Contributor
Opinions expressed by Forbes Contributors are their own. James Broughel is an economist focused on the economics of regulation.
Nov 15, 2024
Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy will run a new Department of Government Efficiency.
The announcement of a new Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) under the leadership of Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy has generated significant buzz. While some critics have questioned the wisdom of dual leadership, this structure actually makes practical sense given Musk’s numerous other commitments. However, for this unprecedented experiment in government reform to succeed, several critical challenges must be addressed.
First, DOGE’s unusual position outside the federal government presents both opportunities and risks. Unlike some more traditional government oversight bodies, such as Mississippi’s occupational licensing review commission—which operates within the executive branch of the state with statutory authority to mandate regulatory changes—DOGE will lack formal power to compel agencies to implement its recommendations. Its influence will therefore depend heavily on Musk and Ramaswamy’s ability to leverage their political capital and maintain President-elect Trump’s active support for their initiatives.
The department’s effectiveness will hinge on establishing credibility that transcends partisan divisions. With its mandate ending in July of 2026, skeptics might simply wait out its tenure. To prevent this, DOGE must build a reputation as a serious, bipartisan reform effort rather than merely a right-wing project. This starts with hiring: the department should actively recruit staff from both sides of the aisle.
DOGE should also carefully choose its battles. Rather than tackling politically charged issues like entitlement reform—which doomed previous efforts like the Simpson-Bowles deficit reduction commission—it should focus on addressing widely recognized inefficiencies. One promising area is the reduction of administrative paperwork burden, which costs Americans an estimated $187 billion a year and 12 billion hours annually in compliance time.
This focus on paperwork aligns with what Harvard scholar Cass Sunstein calls “sludge”. In some cases, sludge includes requirements that prevent citizens from accessing government programs that could benefit them. Republicans may see sweeping away this red tape as expanding government, but doing so in narrowly-targeted areas will be critical to earning buy-in from the opposing party.
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DOGE must also navigate workforce reform carefully. Instead of antagonizing federal employees through mass terminations, DOGE should pursue natural attrition by reconsidering remote work policies and implementing selective hiring freezes. The administration’s already-confrontational approach to the “deep state” through controversial appointments may satisfy short-term political instincts, but it will ultimately undermine DOGE’s mission. Having won both the popular vote and electoral college decisively, Trump has an opportunity to build constructive relationships with the federal workforce—essential allies for implementing his reforms.
DOGE should also avoid duplicating existing oversight functions. The Government Accountability Office (GAO) already produces excellent analysis of government inefficiencies. Rather than competing with GAO, DOGE should leverage the office’s research while focusing on implementation. The department’s unique value proposition will come from driving change through high-profile leadership and political momentum, not just producing more reports.
DOGE should identify clear instances of government failure that resonate across political lines. Success will require maintaining focus on these non-partisan, technically sound reforms. Social issues like abortion policy should remain firmly off the table.
The experiment in government reform through an external efficiency department is unprecedented at the federal level in the United States. Its success will depend largely on the personal effectiveness of its leadership and their commitment to pursuing reform through reasoned, bipartisan approaches rather than waging ideological warfare. While the challenges are significant, DOGE has a genuine opportunity to drive meaningful improvements in government operations—if it can maintain its credibility and focus on achievable reforms.
The administration has created a unique vehicle for government modernization. With the right strategy, DOGE could pioneer a new model for bureaucratic streamlining. Whether it becomes a transformative force for positive change or another failed commission will depend on how skillfully its leadership navigates these early challenges.
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