Dr David Brophy
Phone +61 2 9114 0778 Fax +61 2 9351 3918
我研究了中国西北地区的社会和政治历史，尤其是新疆Uyghur自治区，及其与伊斯兰和俄罗斯/苏联世界的联系。 在2011年获得博士学位后，我在澳大利亚国立大学的澳大利亚中国中心曾在澳大利亚中国澳大利亚中心担任博士后研究员，然后于2013年来到悉尼大学。我的第一本书《 Uyghur Nation》（2016年） 在20世纪初期，中国和苏联之间的Uyghur民族主义政治。 我目前拥有一个弧形发现早期职业研究奖学金，该研究名为“现代内部早期内部的帝国和宗教”，其中探讨了十七世纪对清兴的内部观点。
Biography
I study the social and political history of China’s northwest, particularly the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, and its connections with the Islamic and Russian/Soviet worlds. After finishing my PhD in 2011, I spent two years as a postdoctoral fellow at the Australian Centre on China in the World, at the Australian National University, before coming to the University of Sydney in 2013. My first book, Uyghur Nation (2016), is on the politics of Uyghur nationalism between China and the Soviet Union in the early twentieth century. I currently hold an ARC Discovery Early Career Research Fellowship, for a project entitled “Empire and Religion in Early Modern Inner Asia,” in which am exploring Inner Asian perspectives on the rise of the Qing in the seventeenth-eighteenth centuries.
中国恐慌：给加拿大人敲响警钟
作者：约翰·普莱斯 2023 年 5 月 16 日
在加拿大努力应对外国干涉中国的指控之际，约翰·普莱斯写道，政治家们应该明智地阅读大卫·布罗菲的新书。
中国恐慌：澳大利亚替代偏执和迎合的选择
作者：大卫·布罗菲。 拉筹伯大学出版社，2021年6月1日，32.99
加拿大总理贾斯汀·特鲁多(Justin Trudeau)在三月份宣布就建立外国影响登记处进行公众咨询时，指出澳大利亚是加拿大的榜样。
4月，加拿大-中华人民共和国议会委员会主张加拿大“努力加入四边安全对话和AUKUS安全协定”，澳大利亚在这两项协定中发挥着重要作用。
澳大利亚似乎代表了加拿大政府在打击“外国干涉”方面所希望走的道路。 然而，在加入“澳大利亚”潮流之前，人们可能想阅读大卫·布罗菲教授的重要新书《中国恐慌：澳大利亚对偏执和迎合的替代方案》。
布罗菲是悉尼大学维吾尔历史专家，他并不是中国的辩护者。 他仔细剖析了澳大利亚对中国产生恐慌的途径，并得出结论：“当代对中国的一系列反应加起来，导致澳大利亚政治急剧右倾——走向更加仇外、种族主义的澳大利亚——并且只能激起澳大利亚类似的民族主义反应。” 中国。”
作者表示，这种恐慌“更多的是澳大利亚政策的产物，而不是政策的动机。” 准确地说，这是一个故意决定的结果，目的是让澳大利亚远离与中国的长期深入接触，并在维护美国在该地区主导地位的运动中发挥积极作用。”
布罗菲表示，此类政策是危险的，因为美国在该地区的霸权“现在几乎完全具有军事性质”。
“中国威胁”
在《中国恐慌》的八章中，前五章探讨了情报机构、智库和媒体如何构建生动的“外国干涉”故事。 与中国肆无忌惮对抗的道路是在澳大利亚间谍机构的要求下开始的。
布罗菲表示，澳大利亚安全情报组织 (ASIO) 承担了“越来越多的公共角色，从 2017 年起发出警告，称澳大利亚正在以‘前所未有的规模’发生外国干涉。” 布罗菲相信，历史学家最终会对澳大利亚如何走上这条道路有更准确的了解，“但我们可以有信心地说，安全机构已经走在了前面。”
加入 ASIO 反华行动的还有澳大利亚战略政策研究所 (ASPI)，该研究所由彼得·詹宁斯 (Peter Jennings) 领导，他曾为约翰·霍华德 (John Howard) 提供有关伊拉克战争前情报的建议。 作者表示，ASPI“现在充当了对华‘强硬’战略的信息交换所。”
布罗菲的观察可能会在加拿大引起强烈反响。 CSIS（加拿大安全情报局）多年来一直在积极宣传“中国威胁”。 澳大利亚和加拿大都与美国密切结盟，而且都是“五眼”间谍联盟的成员，该联盟还包括新西兰、英国和美国。
此后，《中国恐慌》探讨了澳大利亚的左翼和右翼如何痴迷于中国，从而损害了良好的政策。
布罗菲的作品生动地捕捉到了新的“国家安全视角”如何扭曲澳大利亚华人社区的看法，以至于“华人在澳大利亚的存在就被视为具有安全影响”。 布罗菲表示，当前对中国的反应非但没有捍卫澳大利亚华人所珍视的权利，反而“使这些权利面临风险”。
澳大利亚媒体大肆宣扬“中共影响力”范式，导致种族仇恨迅速升温。 作者指出了一个重要的先例，其中一些人描述了“‘9/11 之后穆斯林觉醒’的经历。”在澳大利亚出生的华人也有类似的感受，布罗菲表示，他们现在正在努力解决自己的中国身份问题。 ”，“不是中国干涉的结果，而是澳大利亚对此的偏执。”
为了抵消这种敌意，布罗菲建议，反种族主义“必须与对澳大利亚外交政策和该国世界定位的批评结合起来”。
《中国恐慌》在其“冷战校园”一章中特别敏锐地概述了大学面临的真正风险。
布罗菲写道：“我认为，现在笼罩校园的战争语言为国内政府干预奠定了基础，这些干预对大学的自治和独立构成的风险比中国所做的任何事情都要大。”
布罗菲证明，无论在校内还是校外，他从未面临过任何压力来改变他对中国的言论。 另一方面，通过关注大学与中国的关系，最近的争论损害了大学
澳大利亚的城市，使得停止资金削减变得更加困难。
此外，基础研究和军事研究之间的界限在澳大利亚大学“几乎消失”，因为它们“自愿融入澳大利亚、美国和私人跨国国防利益”。
布罗菲表示，昆士兰大学孔子学院的威胁并不比日本国际交流基金会更大。 更相关的是美国研究中心，它“对校园或更广泛的社会具有更大的政治影响力”。
布罗菲：批评中共并非“反华”
布罗菲明确表示，批评中国共产党政府绝不是种族主义或“反华”。 他还指出，具有讽刺意味的是，许多人在谈到中国时都宣扬这一观点，但在以色列问题上却忽视了这一点，“让犹太复国主义的批评者和巴勒斯坦权利的支持者经常被攻击为反犹太主义者。”
那些相信中国不会犯错的人可能会觉得布罗菲的一些观点难以接受。 他用两章概述了他对新疆维吾尔人以及香港斗争的同情和复杂性。 作为维吾尔民族主义专家（他的第一本书是《维吾尔民族》），这并不奇怪。
正是因为布罗菲作为独立学者拥有无可挑剔的资历，对中国政府在这些领域的政策持批评态度，所以他反对妖魔化或孤立中国的论点是令人信服的。 联邦新民主党与保守党一致敲响反华鼓声，最好倾听。
布罗菲指出了中国恐慌的另一个方面，这很可能引起加拿大许多人的共鸣。
他写道：“作为一个卓越的外部敌人，中国使白人澳大利亚对这片土地的主权要求正常化，并使澳大利亚土著人的权利无效。”
每个加拿大人都应该有机会阅读这本重要的书。 这是对加拿大政府和媒体大量宣传中国恐慌的重要制衡。
大卫·布罗菲 (David Brophy) 将于太平洋时间 5 月 24 日星期三下午 4 点/东部时间晚上 7 点在网络研讨会上谈论他的书《中国恐慌：澳大利亚对偏执和迎合的替代方案》。 在这里注册。
约翰·普莱斯 (John Price) 是全球研究中心副研究员、维多利亚大学名誉教授（历史）、加中焦点顾问。
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China Panic: A wake-up call for Canadians
by John Price
As Canada grapples with allegations of foreign interference by China, John Price writes that politicians would be wise to read David Brophy’s new book.
China Panic: Australia's Alternative to Paranoia and Pandering
When announcing public consultations with the intention to set up a foreign influence registry in March, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau pointed to Australia as a model for Canada.
In April, the Canada-People’s Republic of China Parliamentary Committee advocated that Canada “make efforts to join the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue and AUKUS security pact,” both pacts in which Australia has an anchor role.
Australia, it would seem, represents the path that the Canadian government would like to follow in its quest to combat “foreign interference.” Before jumping on the ‘Down Under’ bandwagon, however, people might want to read professor David Brophy’s important new book, China Panic: Australia’s Alternative to Paranoia and Pandering.
A specialist in Uyghur history at the University of Sydney, Brophy is no apologist for China. He carefully dissects Australia’s pathway to panic regarding China, concluding: “The suite of contemporary responses to China add up to a sharp move to the right in Australian politics — towards a more xenophobic, racist Australia — and can only provoke a similarly nationalistic response from China.”
This panic, says the author, “is much more a product of Australia’s policies than a motivation for them. To be precise, it’s the result of a deliberate decision to wrench Australia away from deep, longstanding engagement with China, and to assume an active role in a campaign to preserve American dominance in the region.”
Such policies are dangerous, says Brophy, because U.S. hegemony in the region is “now of an almost exclusively military nature.”
The 'China Threat'
Of China Panic’s eight chapters, the first five probe how intelligence agencies, think tanks, and the media constructed vivid tales of “foreign interference.” The path to unbridled confrontation with China started at the behest of Australia’s spy agencies.
The Australian Security Intelligence Organization (ASIO), says Brophy, took on an “increasingly public role, issuing warnings from 2017 onwards that foreign interference was occurring at ‘an unprecedented scale’ in Australia.” Brophy believes historians will eventually have a more precise picture of how Australia entered onto this path, “but we can say with some confidence that security agencies have led the way.”
Joining ASIO in its anti-China campaign has been the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), headed by Peter Jennings, who advised John Howard on intelligence leading up to the Iraq War. ASPI, says the author, “now serves as a clearing house for ‘get tough’ strategies towards China.”
Brophy’s observations may echo loudly here in Canada. CSIS (the Canadian Security Intelligence Service) has been aggressively marketing the “China threat” for years. Australia and Canada are both closely allied to the United States, and they are both members of the Five Eyes spy alliance that also includes New Zealand, the U.K., and the U.S.
China Panic thereafter probes how both the left and the right in Australia became obsessed with China, to the detriment of good policy.
Brophy’s work vividly captures how the new “national-security lens” distorts perceptions of Chinese communities in Australia to the point where “the very presence of Chinese in Australia, are seen to have security implications.” Far from defending the rights that Chinese Australians value, states Brophy, current responses to China “puts these rights at risk.”
The media in Australia has binged on the “CCP influence” paradigm that has given rise to a rapid spike in racial animosity. The author points to an important precedent in which some people described the “experience of ‘waking up Muslim after 9/11.’” Something similar is being felt by Australian-born Chinese individuals, who, states Brophy, are now grappling with their Chineseness, “not as a result of PRC interference but because of Australian paranoia towards it.”
To counteract this animosity, Brophy suggests that anti-racism “has to be combined with a critique of Australian foreign policies and the country’s orientation to the world.”
China Panic is particularly perceptive in outlining the real risks to universities in his chapter “Cold-War Campus.”
“The language of war that now envelops campuses has, in my opinion, laid the basis for domestic government interventions that present more of a risk to universities’ autonomy and independence than anything China is doing,” Brophy wrote.
Brophy attests that he has never faced any pressure, on or off campus, to modify what he says about China. On the other hand, by homing in on universities’ ties to China, recent polemics undermine universities in Australia and makes it much more difficult to stop funding cuts.
Furthermore, the line between basic and military research has “all but vanished” at Australian universities, as they have “willingly embedded themselves with Australian, American and private multinational defence interests.”
Nor does the Confucius Institute at the University of Queensland pose any more of a threat, says Brophy, than the Japan Foundation. More pertinent is the United States Studies Centre that has much greater “political influence on campus or in wider society.”
Criticizing the CCP isn't 'anti-Chinese': Brophy
Brophy is clear that criticizing the Chinese government of the CCP is not in any way racist or “anti-Chinese.” He also notes the irony in the fact many people proclaim this idea when it comes to China, but ignore it in the case of Israel, “allowing critics of Zionism and supporters of Palestinian rights to be frequently attacked as antisemites.”
Those who believe China can do no wrong may find some of Brophy’s views difficult to swallow. In two chapters, he outlines his sympathy for and the complexity of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang and the battles over Hong Kong. As a specialist in Uyghur nationalism (his first book was Uyghur Nation), this is not surprising.
Precisely because Brophy has impeccable credentials as an independent scholar, critical of Chinese government policies in these areas, his arguments against demonizing or isolating China are compelling. The federal NDP, which has aligned with the Conservative in beating the anti-China drum, would be well advised to listen.
Brophy points to another aspect of the China Panic that may well resonate with many in Canada.
“As an external enemy par excellence, China normalizes white Australia’s claim to this land and voids that of Indigenous Australians,” he wrote.
Every Canadian should have access to this important book. It is an important counterweight to the reams of government and media propaganda promoting the China Panic in Canada.
David Brophy will speak about his book China Panic: Australia’s Alternative to Paranoia and Pandering in a webinar on Wednesday, May 24, 4 pm Pacific/7 pm Eastern time. Register here.
John Price is an associate fellow at the Centre for Global Studies, professor emeritus (history) at the University of Victoria, and an advisor of Canada-China Focus.
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